June 19, 2017 at 9:13 am #3848
How structural racisim works:
A History of White Privilege
A Geography Class for Racist
When the University of Michigan law school and the Center on Wrongful Convictions at the School of Law at Northwestern University in Chicago collaborated to create the National Registry of Exonerations, the researchers found that Blacks accounted for nearly half (47 percent) of all known exonerees in 1989, and whites made up nearly 39 percent of all known exonerees. But when they got to the year 2012, they found that the number of exonerations involving Blacks had risen to 57 percent. Of the 1,525 exonerations currently listed on the register as of Jan. 7, 2o15, a total of 715 involved Black people. Because of America’s tragic racial history, even today many of the exonerations involve white people wrongfully accusing Black people of committing crimes — and the accusations being enough to send them to jail for much of their lives. These are some of the most outrageous cases of Black people being falsely accused by whites.
When Knox was accused of murdering her roommate, Meredith Kercher, in Perugia, Italy, her first response was to implicate Diya “Patrick” Lumumba, a Congolese-born resident of Italy who owned a bar in Perugia named Le Chic where Knox worked part time. Lumumba was promptly arrested. Knox told Italian police in a written statement that she saw Lumumba enter Kercher’s room on the evening of Nov. 1, 2007. She later admitted that this version of events was made up, but she implied that it was made up under duress. Lumumba spent two weeks in an Italian jail before Knox’s story fell apart.
Till’s murder is one of the most famous cases of racist brutality in U.S. history. Till, 14, was killed in Mississippi in 1955 after reportedly flirting with a white woman, Carolyn Bryant, 21. Till was from Chicago, visiting his relatives in Money, Mississippi, in the Mississippi Delta region. Several nights later, Bryant’s husband, Roy, and his half-brother, J. W. Milam, went to Till’s great-uncle’s house and took Till away to a barn, where they beat him and gouged out one of his eyes before shooting him through the head and disposing of his body in the Tallahatchie River, weighting it with a 70-pound cotton gin fan tied around his neck with barbed wire. Three days later, Till’s body was discovered and retrieved from the river. When Till’s body was returned to Chicago, his mother insisted on a public funeral service with an open casket to show the world the brutality of the killing.
Charles StuartIn October 1989, Stuart told authorities that when he and his wife were coming home from a birthing class at a local hospital in Boston, they lost their way and ended up in a “dangerous part of town” near a Black housing project. He said that while they were looking for a way out, they were attacked by a dark-skinned mugger who came out of nowhere and fatally shot Stuart’s pregnant wife, Carol, and wounded Stuart. That was the story Stuart told and the story that the police and most of the news media swallowed whole. Dozens of Black men were rounded up and questioned, hundreds of homes were raided and an African-American man named William Bennett was arrested and jailed on suspicion of murder. Stuart, it was later discovered, had pulled the trigger. He blamed a Black man and jumped to his death from a bridge after his lie was exposed.
Susan SmithSmith’s case garnered the attention of the world when she claimed in October 1994 that she had been carjacked in South Carolina by a Black man who drove away with her two young sons — ages 3 years old and 14 months — still in the car. For nine days, she made dramatic pleas on national television for their rescue. But following an intensive investigation and a nationwide search, she confessed to letting her 1990 Mazda Protegé roll into nearby John D. Long Lake, drowning them inside. She was sentenced to life in prison for their murder. Smith will be eligible for parole on Nov. 4, 2024, after serving a minimum of thirty years.
Forty-year-old Sweeten of Pennsylvania was sentenced to eight years in prison in 2012 after stealing money from her family and the law firm where she worked and telling authorities she and her daughter had been kidnapped by two Black men in a Cadillac — launching a massive search for the fictitious kidnappers. In actuality, Sweeten had used the stolen money to taken her daughter to Disney World
Storro, 28, claimed that a Black woman accosted her in a parking lot in Vancouver, Washington, in August 2010 and threw acid on her face — a story she created so that she could be on The Oprah Winfrey Show. Media outlets across the country, and then across the world, picked up the story of the cute young woman whose cream-colored face had been disfigured by some crazed, angry, anonymous Black woman. They followed her as she underwent surgery. Then Winfrey called. But Winfrey’s folks suspected that Storro made up the story. When Storro discovered that they were on to her, she abruptly canceled her appearance — after she had collected more than $28,000 from charities wishing to help her. Storro eventually confessed to police. For her crime, Storro was sentenced to treatment for mental illness.
Darryl Hunt case
In 1984, Hunt, an African-American man from Winston-Salem, North Carolina, at the age of 19 was convicted of the rape and murder of a white woman named Deborah Sykes — despite the fact that there was no physical evidence tying him to the crimes. Even with no evidence, he was sentenced by an all-white jury to life in prison. Ten years later, he was cleared of the rape when DNA testing proved he had never committed that crime. Despite the rape being central to the overall crime, he spent an additional nine years in prison until a man named Willard Brown confessed to both acts. After 19 years in prison, Hunt was finally exonerated in 2004.
Following an altercation with a group of white teens, nine Black teenagers were accused of rape by two women in 1931 in Paint Rock, Alabama. Eventually, one of the women admitted to fabricating the story. The Scottsboro case is considered a landmark case, leading to the prohibition on all-white juries.
Stinney, who was Black, was convicted of the first-degree murder of two pre-teen white girls by an all-white jury in South Carolina. No physical evidence existed in the case, and the sole evidence against Stinney was the circumstantial fact the girls had spoken with Stinney and his sister shortly before their murder and the testimony of three police officers who claimed that Stinney had confessed to the murders. Killed by electric chair in June 1944 at age 14, Stinney was the youngest person executed in the United States in the 20th century. On Dec. 17, 2014, Stinney’s conviction was vacated by Circuit Court Judge Carmen Mullen, effectively clearing his name.
Central Park Five
Five Black and Hispanic boys between the ages of 14-16 were convicted of the 1989 assault and rape of Trisha Meili, a white woman who was jogging in New York’s Central Park, in a case that drew national headlines and outraged many in the city. They were convicted on the basis of coerced confessions and faulty scientific evidence. The convictions were vacated in 2002 when Matias Reyes, a convicted rapist and murderer serving a life sentence for other crimes, confessed to committing the crime alone and DNA evidence confirmed his involvement in the rape.
Louisiana’s Code Noir (1724)
To regulate relations between slaves and colonists, the Louisiana Code noir, or slave code, based largely on that compiled in 1685 for the French Caribbean colonies, was introduced in 1724 and remained in force until the United States took possession of Louisiana in 1803. The Code’s 54 articles regulated the status of slaves and free blacks, as well as relations between masters and slaves. The entire body of laws appears below.
BLACK CODE OF LOUISIANA
I. Decrees the expulsion of Jews from the colony.
II. Makes it imperative on masters to impart religious instruction to their slaves.
III. Permits the exercise of the Roman Catholic creed only. Every other mode of worship is prohibited.
IV. Negroes placed under the direction or supervision of any other person than a Catholic, are liable to confiscation.
V. Sundays and holidays are to be strictly observed. All negroes found at work on these days are to be confiscated.
VI. We forbid our white subjects, of both sexes, to marry with the blacks, under the penalty of being fined and subjected to some other arbitrary punishment. We forbid all curates, priests, or missionaries of our secular or regular clergy, and even our chaplains in our navy to sanction such marriages. We also forbid all our white subjects, and even the manumitted or free-born blacks, to live in a state of concubinage with blacks. Should there be any issue from this kind of intercourse, it is our will that the person so offending, and the master of the slave, should pay each a fine of three hundred livres. Should said issue be the result of the concubinage of the master with his slave, said master shall not only pay the fine, but be deprived of the slave and of the children, who shall be adjudged to the hospital of the locality, and said slaves shall be forever incapable of being set free. But should this illicit intercourse have existed between a free black and his slave, when said free black had no legitimate wife, and should said black marry said slave according to the forms prescribed by the church, said slave shall be thereby set free, and the children shall also become free and legitimate ; and in such a case, there shall be no application of the penalties mentioned in the present article.
VII. The ceremonies and forms prescribed by the ordinance of Blois, and by the edict of 1639, for marriages, shall be observed both with regard to free persons and to slaves. But the consent of the father and mother of the slave is not necessary; that of the master shall be the only one required.
VIII. We forbid all curates to proceed to effect marriages between slaves without proof of the consent of their masters; and we also forbid all masters to force their slaves into any marriage against their will.
IX. Children, issued from the marriage of slaves, shall follow the condition of their parents, and shall belong to the master of the wife and not of the husband, if the husband and wife have different masters.
X. If the husband be a slave, and the wife a free woman, it is our will that their children, of whatever sex they may be, shall share the condition of their mother, and be as free as she, notwithstanding the servitude of their father; and if the father be free and the mother a slave, the children shall all be slaves.
XI. Masters shall have their Christian slaves buried in consecrated ground.
XII. We forbid slaves to carry offensive weapons or heavy sticks, under the penalty of being whipped, and of having said weapons confiscated for the benefit of the person seizing the same. An exception is made in favor of those slaves who are sent a hunting or a shooting by their masters, and who carry with them a written permission to that effect, or are designated by some known mark or badge.
XIII. We forbid slaves belonging to different masters to gather in crowds either by day or by night, under the pretext of a wedding, or for any other cause, either at the dwelling or on the grounds of one of their masters, or elsewhere, and much less on the highways or in secluded places, under the penalty of corporal punishment, which shall not be less than the whip. In case of frequent offences of the kind, the offenders shall be branded with the mark of the flower de luce, and should there be aggravating circumstances, capital punishment may be applied, at the discretion of our judges. We command all our subjects, be they officers or not, to seize all such offenders, to arrest and conduct them to prison, although there should be no judgment against them.
XIV. Masters who shall be convicted of having permitted or tolerated such gatherings as aforesaid, composed of other slaves than their own, shall be sentenced, individually, to indemnify their neighbors for the damages occasioned by said gatherings, and to pay, for the first time, a fine of thirty livres, and double that sum on the repetition of the offence.
XV. We forbid negroes to sell any commodities, provisions, or produce of any kind, without the written permission of their masters, or without wearing their known marks or badges, and any persons purchasing any thing from negroes in violence of this article, shall be sentenced to pay a fine of 1500 livres.
XVI, XVII, XVIII, XIX, provide at length for the clothing of slaves and for their subsistence.
XX. Slaves who shall not be properly fed, clad, and provided for by their masters, may give information thereof to the attorney-general of the Superior Council, or to all the other officers of justice of an inferior jurisdiction, and may put the written exposition of their wrongs into their hands ; upon which information, and even ex officio, should the information come from another quarter, the attorney-general shall prosecute said masters without charging any costs to the complainants. It is our will that this regulation be observed in all accusations for crimes or barbarous and inhuman treatment brought by slaves against their masters.
XXI. Slaves who are disabled from working, either by old age, disease, or otherwise, be the disease incurable or not, shall be fed and provided for by their masters ; and in case they should have been abandoned by said masters, said slaves shall be adjudged to the nearest hospital, to which said masters shall be obliged to pay eight cents a day for the food and maintenance of each one of these slaves ; and for the payment of this sum, said hospital shall have a lien on the plantations of the master.
XXII. We declare that slaves can have no right to any kind of property, and that all that they acquire, either by their own industry or by the liberality of others, or by any other means or title whatever, shall be the full property of their masters ; and the children of said slaves, their fathers and mothers, their kindred or other relations, either free or slaves, shall have no pretensions or claims thereto, either through testamentary dispositions or donations inter vi-vos ; which dispositions and donations we declare null and void, and also whatever promises they may have made, or whatever obligations they may have subscribed to, as having been entered into by persons incapable of disposing of any thing, and of participating to any contract.
XXIII. Masters shall be responsible for what their slaves have done by their command, and also for what transactions they have permitted their slaves to do in their shops, in the particular line of commerce with which they were intrusted ; and in case said slaves should have acted without the order or authorization of their masters, said masters shall be responsible only for so much as has turned to their profit; and if said masters have not profited by the doing or transaction of their slaves, the pcculium which the masters have permitted the slaves to own, shall be subjected to all claims against said slaves, after deduction made by the masters of what may be due to them ; and if said peculium should consist, in whole or in part, of merchandises in which the slaves had permission to traffic, the masters shall only come in for their share in common with the other creditors.
XXIV. Slaves shall be incapable of all public functions, and of being constituted agents for any other person than their own masters, with powers to manage or conduct any kind of trade ; nor can they serve as arbitrators or experts; nor shall they be called to give their testimony either in civil or in criminal cases, except when it shall be a matter of necessity, and only in default of white people ; but in no case shall they be permitted to serve as witnesses either for or against their masters.
XXV. Slaves shall never be parties to civil suits, either as plaintiffs or defendants, nor shall they be allowed to appear as complainants in criminal cases, but their masters shall have the right to act for them in civil matters, and in criminal ones, to demand punishment and reparation for such outrages and excesses as their slaves may have suffered from.
XXVI. Slaves may be prosecuted criminally, without their masters being made parties to the trial, except they should be indicted as accomplices; and said slaves shall be tried, at first, by the judges of ordinary jurisdiction, if there be any, and on appeal, by the Superior Council, with the same rules, formalities, and proceedings observed for free persons, save the exceptions mentioned hereafter.
XXVII. The slave who, having struck his master, his mistress, or the husband of his mistress, or their children, shall have produced a bruise, or the shedding of blood in the face, shall suffer capital punishment.
XXVIII. With regard to outrages or acts of violence committed by slaves against free persons, it is our will that they be punished with severity, and even with death, should the case require it.
XXIX. Thefts of importance, and even the stealing of horses, mares, mules, oxen, or cows, when executed by slaves or manumitted persons, shall make the offender liable to corporal, and even to capital punishment, according to the circumstances of the case.
XXX. The stealing of sheep, goats, hogs, poultry, grain, fodder, peas, beans, or other vegetables, produce, or provisions, when committed by slaves, shall be punished according to the circumstances of the case ; and the judges may sentence them, if necessary, to be whipped by the public executioner, and branded with the mark of the flower de luce.
XXXI. In cases of thefts committed or damages done by their slaves, masters, besides the corporal punishment inflicted on their slaves, shall be bound to make amends for the injuries resulting from the acts of said slaves, unless they prefer abandoning them to the sufferer. They shall be bound so to make their choice, in three days from the time of the conviction of the negroes ; if not, this privilege shall be forever forfeited.
XXXII. The runaway slave, who shall continue to be so for one month from the day of his being denounced to the officers of justice, shall have his ears cut off, and shall be branded with the flower de luce on the shoulder : and on a second offence of the same nature, persisted in during one month from the day of his being denounced, he shall be hamstrung, and be marked with the flower de luce on the other shoulder. On the third offence, he shall suffer death.
XXXIII. Slaves, who shall have made themselves liable to the penalty of the whip, the flower de luce brand, and ear cutting, shall be tried, in the last resort, by the ordinary judges of the inferior courts, and shall undergo the sentence passed upon them without there being an appeal to the Superior Council, in confirmation or reversal of judgment, notwithstanding the article 26th of the present code, which shall be applicable only to those judgments in which the slave convicted is sentenced to be hamstrung or suffer death.
XXXIV. Freed or free-born negroes, who shall have afforded refuge in their houses to fugitive slaves, shall be sentenced to pay to the masters of said slaves, the sum of thirty livres a day for every day during which they shall have concealed said fugitives ; and all other free persons, guilty of the same offence, shall pay a fine of ten livres a day as aforesaid ; and should the freed or free-born negroes not be able to pay the fine herein specified, they shall be reduced to the condition of slaves, and be sold as such. Should the price of the sale exceed the sum mentioned in the judgment, the surplus shall be delivered to the hospital.
XXXV. We permit our subjects in this colony, who may have slaves concealed in any place whatever, to have them sought after by such persons and in such a way as they may deem proper, or to proceed themselves to such researches, as they may think best.
XXXVI. The slave who is sentenced to suffer death on the denunciation of his master, shall, when that master is not an accomplice to his crime, be appraised before his execution by two of the principal inhabitants of the locality, who shall be especially appointed by the judge, and the amount of said appraisement shall be paid to the master. To raise this sum, a proportional tax shall be laid on every slave, and shall be collected by the persons invested with that authority.
XXXVII. We forbid all the officers of the Superior Council, and all our other officers of justice in this colony, to take any fees or receive any perquisites in criminal suits against slaves, under the penalty, in so doing, of being dealt with as guilty of extortion.
XXXVIII. We also forbid all our subjects in this colony, whatever their condition or rank may be, to apply, on their own private authority, the rack to their slaves, under any pretence whatever, and to mutilate said slaves in any one of their limbs, or in any part of their bodies, under the penalty of the confiscation of said slaves ; and said masters, so offending, shall be liable to a criminal prosecution. We only permit masters, when they shall think that the case requires it, to put their slaves in irons, and to have them whipped with rods or ropes.
XXXIX. We command our officers of justice in this colony to institute criminal process against masters and overseers who shall have killed or mutilated their slaves, when in their power and under their supervision, and to punish said murder according to the atrocity of the circumstances; and in case the offence shall be a pardonable one, we permit them to pardon said masters and overseers without its being necessary to obtain from us letters patent of pardon. XL. Slaves shall he held in law as movables, and as such, they shall be part of the community of acquests between husband and wife ; they shall not be liable to be seized under any mortgage whatever; and they shall be equally divided among the co-heirs without admitting from any one of said heirs any claim founded on preciput or right of primogeniture, or dowry.
XLI, XLII. Are entirely relative to judicial forms and proceedings.XLIII. Husbands and wives shall not be seized and sold separately when belonging to the same master : and their children, when under fourteen years of age, shall not be separated from their parents, and such seizures and sales shall be null and void. The present article shall apply to voluntary sales, and in case such sales should take place in violation of the law, the seller shall be deprived of the slave he has illegally retained, and said slave shall be adjudged to the purchaser without any additional price being required.
XLIV. Slaves, fourteen years old, and from this age up to sixty, who are settled on lands and plantations, and are at present working on them, shall not be liable to seizure for debt, except for what may be due out of the purchase money agreed to be paid for them, unless said grounds or plantations should also be distressed, and any seizure and judicial sale of a rea,l estate, without including the slaves of the aforesaid age, who are part of said estate, shall be deemed null and void.
XLV, XLVI, XLVII, XLVIII, XLIX. Are relative to certain formalities to be observed in judicial proceedings.
L. Masters, when twenty-five years old, shall have the power to manumit their slaves, cither by testamentary dispositions, or by acts inter vivos. But, as there may be mercenary masters disposed to set a price on the liberation of their slaves ; and whereas slaves, with a view to acquire the necessary means to purchase their freedom, may be tempted to commit theft or deeds of plunder, no person, whatever may he his rank and condition, shall be permitted to set free his slaves, without obtaining from the Superior Council a decree of permission to that effect ; which permission shall be granted without costs, when the motives for the setting free of said slaves, as specified in the petition of the master, shall appear legitimate to the tribunal. All acts for the emancipation of slaves, which, for the future, shall be made without this permission, shall be null ; and the slaves, so freed, shall not be entitled to their freedom ; they shall, on the contrary, continue to be held as slaves; but they shall be taken away from their former masters, and confiscated for the benefit of the India Company. LI. However, should slaves be appointed by their masters tutors to their children, said slaves shall be held and regarded as being thereby set free to all intents and purposes.
LII. We declare that the acts for the enfranchisement of slaves, passed according to the forms above described, shall be equivalent to an act of naturalization, when said slaves are not born in our colony of Louisiana, and they shall enjoy all the rights and privileges inherent to our subjects born in our kingdom or in any land or country under our dominion. We declare, therefore, that all manumitted slaves, and all free-born negroes, are incapable of receiving donations, either by testamentary dispositions, or by acts inter vivos from the whites. Said donations shall be null and void, and the objects so donated shall be applied to the benefit of the nearest hospital.
LIII. We command all manumitted slaves to show the pro foundest respect to their former masters, to their widows and children, and any injury or insult offered by said manumitted slaves to their former masters, their widows or children- shall be punished with more severity than if it had been offered to any other person. We, however, declare them exempt from the discharge Of all duties or services, and from the payment of all taxes or fees, or any thing else which their former masters might, in their quality of patrons, claim either in relation to their persons, or to their personal or real estate, either during the life or after the death of said manumitted slaves.
LIV. We grant to manumitted slaves the same rights, privileges, and immunities which are enjoyed by free-born persons. It is our pleasure that their merit in having acquired their freedom, shall produce in their favor, not only with regard to their persons, but also to their property, the same effects which our other subjects derive from the happy circumstance of their having been born free.
In the name of the King,
Bienville, De la Chaise.
Fazende, Bruslé, Perry, March, 1724.
Paper Genocide: From Native to Negro
With the stroke of a pen, or the click of a mouse Native American Indian ancestry can be suppressed on government records. Paper genocide is the reclassification of Native American Indians to the categories of Black, White, Colored, Mulatto, or even Hispanic in some cases. This is done to suppress Native American Indian heritage on government papers, initially to steal our land, and also to enslave us with the African brought to our land.
Only through our community by way of educating the public about paper genocide can we bring change to rid our land of this adverse practice imposed on our people by government officials.
“Since the beginnings of the Africa slave trade in America and the Caribbean many Native persons have unfortunately, to the detriment of Native heritage, were being listed as Black, Mulatto, Negro, or just lumped together as “Colored” which did not allow for a distinction between us and the Africa on government paper. In the slavery days being listed as Negro was done to our Native people in order for White slave owners to keep an ample supply of slaves. Many blood Natives whether mixed or full blood have lost a Creator given Blood heritage due to slavery along the eastern shores of America. Men women and children alike, were forced by White slave owners to take part in slavery in our land and with that travesty of race reclassification starting from the first U.S. census ever taken in year 1790 Paper Genocide in its earliest form was introduced in our land. Natives were falsely listed on all census records as Negro, Mustee, Black, Mulatto, or Colored… and sometimes even White or Hispanic.
“It is not fully known how many Indians were enslaved by the Europeans, but they certainly numbered in the tens of thousands. It is estimated that Carolina merchants operating out of Charles Town shipped an estimated 30,000 to 50,000 Indian captives between 1670 and 1715.This was a very profitable slave trade with the Caribbean, Spanish Hispaniola, and northern colonies. Because of the higher transportation costs of bringing blacks from Africa, whites in the northern colonies sometimes preferred Indian slaves, especially Indian women and children, to blacks. Carolina actually exported as many or even more Indian slaves than it imported enslaved Africans prior to 1720. The usual exchange rate of captive Indians for enslaved Africans was two or three Indians to one African.*Until late in the 18th century Indian slaves worked on English plantations alongside African slaves and even, occasionally, white indentured servants up until the end of slavery in America in the year 1865. Women and children frequently were used as menial laborers or domestic servants.”
Slavery existed for Natives held in captivity of slave owners that used words like Negro, or Mulatto to keep Native American Indians and also Mixed Black Indians in servitude by falsely claiming they were not Indian.
Many Natives who were enslaves with the African up until the end of slavery in 1865 also became sharecroppers due to poverty just as the African also did to survive.. The many acts of Paper Genocide were intentional reclassifications that were passed down from generation to generation causing “Historical Trauma” for many families who are victims of Paper Genocide.
The atrocity of Paper Genocide even to this day is still occurring and Native American Indian birth and death records are still being processed by states with incorrect racial data.If you know your Indian and don’t know why you can’t find census records stating this it is because of White census takers being instructed to ignore Indian heritage and paint mostly southern states in America with either Black or White populations. Go over you Grandparents oral history and If you are a person “of color” and have a strong family history of Indian blood yet census records and vital records that don’t match, you are more that likely of Native American Indian Heritage and have had your Heritage stripped from you. Its yours to reclaim.
Note: Paper genocide has a traumatic affect on those who have gone, or are going through it, this is known as historical trauma.
“Historical trauma is cumulative emotional and psychological wounding over the lifespan and across generations, emanating from massive group trauma. Native American Indians have, for over 500 years, endured physical, emotional, social, and spiritual genocide from European and American colonialist policy.”
Historical Trauma Includes:
*The Slaughter of Native American Indians
*Racial Reclassification better known as Paper Genocide
of American Indians to White, Black, Mulatto, or Hispanic
(Directly Related to Loss of Cultural Identity)
*Forced Assimilation into Indian Schools and White Society
(Directly Related to Loss of Cultural Identity)
****Loss of Language and Cultural Identity
A True Story of Paper Genocide in America
WALTER PLECKER BEGAN A PAPER GENOCIDE MOVEMENT THAT ALL 50 STATES IN AMERICA EVENTUALLY ALSO TOOK PART IN WITHIN VITAL RECORDS OFFICES. WHICH IS WHY SO MANY NATIVE AMERICAN INDIANS SEE COLORED, NEGRO, MULATTO, OR WHITE ON CENSUS RECORDS, AND ALSO THE SAME ON BIRTH AND DEATH CERTIFICATES OF ANCESTORS.
Plecker was a member of the Eugentics movement, and Plecker had an agenda targeted at Indians, mixed race individuals and Blacks in the State of Virginia. Plecker intentionally attempted to eliminate any evidence of any “Indians” in the State of Virginia, in order to purify the “white race”. Plecker modified birth records in the State of Virginia, I learned that in some cases Plecker actually ordered any documentation record on any individual that indicated “Indian” destroyed, as well ,Plecker threatened midwives that indicated “Indian” as the race on the birth certificate.”Walter Ashby Plecker was the first registrar of Virginia’s Bureau of Vital Statistics, which records births, marriages and deaths. He accepted the job in 1912. For the next 34 years, he led the effort to purify the white race in Virginia by forcing Indians and other nonwhites to classify themselves as blacks. It amounted to bureaucratic genocide.
“With the stroke of a pen, Plecker could write an individual into “Negro” status–and legal and social oblivion. Plecker was only too willing to exercise that power, thus making him a figure of dread to Indians in general, but particularly to the Powhatan remnants in Rockbridge and Amherst counties, until his retirement and subsequent death in 1946.””Plecker’s no-nonsense approach made him a celebrity within the eugenics movement, which was increasingly losing support among scientists and becoming a platform for white supremacy. He spoke around the country, was widely published and wrote to every governor in the nation to urge passage of racial laws just as tough as Virginia’s. He dined at the New York home of Harry H. Laughlin, the nation’s leading eugenics advocate and an unabashed Nazi sympathizer.”
“In 1932, Plecker gave a keynote speech at the Third International Conference on Eugenics in New York. Among those in attendance was Ernst Rudin of Germany who, 11 months later, would help write Hitler’s eugenics law.” “In 1935, Plecker wrote to Walter Gross, the director of Germany’s Bureau of Human Betterment and Eugenics. He outlined Virginia’s racial purity laws and asked to be put on a mailing list for bulletins from Gross’ department. Plecker complimented the Third Reich for sterilizing 600 children in Algeria who were born to German women and black men. “I hope this work is complete and not one has been missed,” he wrote. “I sometimes regret that we have not the authority to put some measures in practice in Virginia.””Plecker changed and/or destroyed labels on vital records to classify Indians as “colored, mongrel, mulatto,” investigated the pedigrees of racially “suspect” citizens, and provided information to block or annul interracial marriages with Whites. He not only did this to Indians, but other races as well.” “Knowledge of this historical development is vitally necessary for those who are searching their Native heritage to understand why records in the Virginia Bureau of Vital Statistics are incorrect or missing.
Note: Paper Genocide stories like this happen all across the U.S.
“The young Monacan Indian mother delivered her son at Lynchburg General Hospital in 1971. Proud of her Indian heritage, the woman was dismayed when hospital officials designated him as black on his birth certificate. They threatened to bar his discharge unless she acquiesced. The original orders came from Richmond generations ago. Virginia’s former longtime registrar of the Bureau of Vital Statistics, Dr. Walter Ashby Plecker, believed there were no real native-born Indians in Virginia and anybody claiming to be Indian had a mix of black blood. In aggressively policing the color line, he classified “pseudo-Indians” as black and even issued in 1943 a hit list of surnames belonging to “mongrel” or mixed-blood families suspected of having Negro ancestry who must not be allowed to pass as Indian or white. With hateful language, he denounced their tactics. ” . . . Like rats when you are not watching, [they] have been `sneaking’ in their birth certificates through their own midwives, giving either Indian or white racial classification,” Plecker wrote.Twenty-eight years later, the Monacan mother’s surname still was on Plecker’s list. She argued forcefully with hospital officials. She lost.Today, the woman’s eyes reveal her lingering pain. She consulted with civil rights lawyers and eventually won a correction on her son’s birth certificate. “I don’t think the prejudice will ever stop,” said the woman, who agreed to talk to a reporter only on condition of anonymity. She waged a personal battle in modern times against the bitter legacy of Plecker, who ran the bureau from 1912 to 1946. A racial supremacist, Plecker and his influential allies helped shape one of the darkest chapters of Virginia’s history. It was an epoch of Virginia-sponsored racism.”
Black victims of decades-old discrimination fight tax bills
By ED WHITE Associated Press
June 18, 2017 — 10:10am
HAMTRAMCK, Mich. — Black victims of discrimination had to wait decades for a Detroit enclave to replace homes that were demolished in the 1950s and ’60s in the name of urban renewal.
Now, only a few years after many finally got keys to their new homes, dozens of Hamtramck residents are back in federal court challenging property tax bills that they can’t afford.
“Astronomical,” said Mary Miner, whose taxes rose 63 percent to $2,600 on her two-story house on Goodson Street. “This is how I’m treated?”
Miner, 67, and others are worried they’ll be priced out of homes that were built or rehabbed as a legal cure for the destruction of Hamtramck’s black neighborhoods. They’re zeroing in on key words that helped resolve a 1968 lawsuit: affordable housing. A judge has responded by suspending tax bills and ordering negotiations.
It’s another twist in a 49-year-old case that doesn’t seem to end.
“Plaintiffs now face losing their homes and being displaced a second time,” attorney Michael Barnhart said. “This is unconscionable.”
Lawyers for Hamtramck, a 2-square-mile industrial city of 20,000 that is surrounded by Detroit, said it’s “dangerously false” to claim the city is targeting blacks with higher tax bills.
“We want them to stay and be part of the community,” Mayor Karen Majewski said. “This was just part of a broader strategy to make sure we had accurate information about the value of our properties.”
For generations, Hamtramck was mostly known as a hub of Polish culture. A statue of St. John Paul II was erected to celebrate his visits here as a cardinal and pope. But the city now is more diverse: flags of the world fly along Joseph Campau Street; the city council is majority Muslim; many business signs are in Arabic. The Census Bureau estimates more than 40 percent of residents were born outside the U.S.
Hamtramck was a much different city when the case first went to court. Blacks said white city leaders were destroying their neighborhoods by knocking down houses in the name of urban renewal or allowing the route of Interstate 75 to cut them off from the rest of the community. In 1971, U.S. District Judge Damon Keith said “the total effect was removal of black citizens.”
But it took another decade for Hamtramck to agree to offer 200 housing units as well as housing for senior citizens. Construction still didn’t start for many more years, due to political opposition and poor city finances. The process was so slow that many victims of the discrimination have benefited only in the past seven years. The mayor believes a few houses still need to be built.
Now, nearly a half-century after the lawsuit was filed, the latest quarrel centers on property taxes. Hamtramck said it decided to update the values of 150 properties, including dozens of homes that were part of the lawsuit settlement, after neglect by past assessors. That step led to higher tax bills.
“We’re poor, on fixed incomes, most of us,” said disabled veteran Kevin Fantroy, 62, whose taxes went up by $1,000 to $2,800. “The city wants people who can pay taxes. We don’t fit their criteria.”
Barnhart predicts a wave of foreclosures if Hamtramck doesn’t reverse course. He said the remedy for past discrimination was to bring people back to Hamtramck, many of them low income, and low taxes are an “essential element” of affordable housing.
At a recent court hearing, city attorney Travis Mihelick promised Hamtramck would be flexible to try to solve the dispute. U.S. Magistrate Judge Elizabeth Stafford halted tax collections at 68 houses and ordered both sides to talk over the summer.
“This is something that hangs over our heads in terms of community relations and moral authority,” said Majewski, the mayor, referring to the many turns in the long-running discrimination case. “It’s very important that we do the right thing. … There has just been one obstacle after another.”
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